By Jin Liu
Much of the attention given to minority groups in society often stems from the protests and social unrest they initiate, while ‘well-behaved’ minorities are labelled as models because they are ‘harmless’ to public safety and social order. Silence is encouraged with the result that problems are covered up. The bias and marginalisation faced by these model citizens is often negotiated and internalised within the individual sphere. This process is tortuous and emotionally damaging, as well as autonomous and exploratory.
Due to the political turmoil following the Vietnam War, some Lao Hmong migrated to France in the late 1970s. Now, nearly 20,000 French Hmong make up the second largest Hmong community in the West after the United States. In France, where immigration issues have long been acute, the integration challenges faced by the friendly yet silent Hmong community have become further invisible. Especially for the 1.5 generation (those who came to France with their family at a young age) who lived through environmental changes and the 2nd generation who faced up to generational gaps. Their self-identification is shaped by policies, cultural environments and social values, which in turn affect the social bonds they build in France.
Source: https://hmongarchive.wordpress.com
In my recent study I observed that the 1.5 generation of French Hmong have a relatively clear Hmong cultural and ethnic identity. It is partly attributed to the cultural exclusion brought about by the democratisation of France in the 1970s, which led to the isolation of the Hmong community. On the other hand, those who spent their childhood or adolescence in foster care with French families developed a sense of ‘compensation’ due to their absence from their Hmong families, which later led them to devote themselves to reclaiming their ethnic art such as embroidery, dance, and Hmong song poetry (Kwv Txhiaj) rather than building a French cultural identity. The latter case shows the enduring influence of family values and emotional ties on Hmong’s self-development and the one-way ‘return’ can be seen as a policy consequence of the incompatibility of bicultural belonging. Their bond with France as a country to settle in, however, is enhanced because the traumatic memories of the war in their home region make them appreciate the present and, more importantly, the significant cost of the time and effort invested in getting citizenship constitutes an important part of their real lives.
Those 2nd-gen Hmong born in France around 2000 face less direct exclusion than their parents, but share the same fragmented sense of identity common to many in their generation: the selective neglect of Hmong history in schools makes them feel ‘betrayed’ and ignored, but their partial assimilation into French culture prevents them from fully embracing the traditional Hmong views of their elders. This places them in a dilemma, but at the same time inspires proactive cultural practice strategies: selectively accepting parts of French and Hmong culture that benefit their personal growth or exploring alternative forms of cultural expression, such as street art which is more closely related to the suburbs they grew up in.
However, the latter’s career path faces obstacles, as recent restrictive measures on street culture in France have blurred the lines between subculture and the mainstream. The de-undergrounding of street art has devalued the subcultural capital held by Hmong artists, putting them at a disadvantage in mainstream and commercialized competition once again. This has shaken the confidence of young Hmong in forging their new cultural identity in France, pushing many to return to the more welcoming—but still somewhat closed—Hmong community. In doing so, it subtly sustains and even deepens the existing social divides.
Silent groups are perhaps the most easily overlooked contributors to social fragmentation. Yet the issue of historically rooted cultural exclusion is a long-term challenge. So rather than debating values, policymakers should focus on the basics: ensuring the effective implementation of anti-discrimination measures, creating fair opportunities for competition, and delivering clear symbolic recognition of minority cultures to enhance their sense of belonging in society.
Liu Jin is a master’s student in Arts, Policy and Cultural Entrepreneurship at the University of Groningen. She holds a BA in Spanish and currently focuses on the sociology of art, cultural policy, and ethnic minority art practices. Outside of her academic work, she engages in jazz, experimental music, and Chinese ink painting.
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